Us publicacion dera Société d’Édition Occitane en 1921.
Canti Còrsi
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Us publicacion dera Société d’Édition Occitane en 1921.
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La langue d’oc ou occitan représente, à coté du catalan, du français, du francoprovencal, du castillan, [.] une des grandes langues romanes ou néo-latines qui se sont développées a partir d’une symbiose entre le latin populaire.
Pierre Bec ei professeur à l’Université de Poitiers, ancien Président de l’Institut d’Etudes Occitanes, ancien Directeur du Centre d’Etudes Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale.
La Vall d’Aran està separada políticament dels països occitans veïns des de fa segles, i en certa manera això ha estat definitiu d’ençà de la concessió als aranesos dels privilegis inclosos a Era Querimònia l’any 1313, després que aquell país gascó decidís d’adscriure’s a la Corona d’Aragó i passar a formar part del Principat de Catalunya en unes condicions certament particulars que no té cap altra zona del ter- ritori. Només algunes invasions episòdiques del Regne o de la República de França en els segles posteriors (vegeu Lladonosa, 2001) han fet que aquella vall gascona, durant alguns períodes breus, no hagi estat diferent de les altres valls occitanes veïnes des d’un punt de vista polític.
De fet, la diferència en l’adscripció estatal respecte a les zones occitanes imme- diates ha condicionat enormement la visió que els lingüistes i altres estudiosos han tingut tradicionalment de l’aranès, segurament oblidant que la Vall d’Aran, tot i de- pendre políticament de successius estats ibèrics, ha continuat mantenint unes inten- ses relacions humanes amb els territoris veïns que també parlen occità, unes relacions segurament més intenses que no pas les que també ha mantingut amb els territoris catalans immediats (que no han estat, ni de bon tros, inexistents). No oblidem que la Vall d’Aran es troba al nord de l’eix pirinenc, orientada cap a l’Atlàntic, l’oceà on va a parar el riu Garona, que viatja fins a Tolosa o Bordeus i que és precisament la columna vertebral d’aquell petit país pirinenc, al costat del qual s’arrengleren la major part de poblacions araneses. En aquest petit treball pretenem fer una breu aproximació a la dialectologia aranesa tenint en compte tot això que acabem d’assenyalar. Prescindint de prejudicis estatals i d’apriorismes. Deixant de banda visions contaminades per les adscripcions administratives, sovint sobrevalorades. La nostra intenció és de demostrar, sobretot mitjançant un catàleg de fets lingüístics, que la diversitat dialectal de l’aranès potser no es pot deslligar de les relacions —o la intensitat d’aquestes mateixes relacions— que les diferents zones de la Vall d’Aran han tingut amb els diferents països occitans veïns, i que en la geolingüística aranesa tenen un paper ca- pital les afinitats amb els parlars immediats del Comenge i del Coserans, els dos territoris gascons immediats. Com veurem, l’occità parlat en algunes poblacions de la Vall d’Aran fins i tot pot presentar més afinitats —almenys tradicionalment— amb el gascó que hi ha en localitats administrativament franceses que no pas amb el que s’usa en localitats situades a la mateixa Vall d’Aran. La frontera, la teòrica frontera definitivament instal·lada al segle xiv, ha estat realment mai un obstacle per a la co- municació entre els occitans d’un costat i de l’altre de la línia administrativa? Ha suposat una barrera per a la difusió de certes solucions fonètiques, morfosintàctiques o lexicals? Des del punt de vista lingüístic, ja veurem que la resposta és categòrica.
Joseph Anglade siguec professor ena Universitat de Tolosa.
L’idée du présent travail date de plus de vingt-cinq ans..
This dissertation compares the works of select troubadours with three mystical tracts in order to present the similarities found in these two literary traditions. Mystical writings have a far longer history reaching into antiquity and continuing until the present day. The traces in the manuscript traditions situate in the late eleventh century a new poetic form in Occitan with a focus on earthly love. The love as it is described in the songs of the composers who write or sing about it comes to be called bon amors or fin’ amors, the term we use today to name the love of the troubadour tradition. The period of lyrical production in Occitan by troubadours speaking of fin’ amors does not endure more than three centuries if we begin our count with Guilhem IX (1071-1126) and close with the poet so often called the last of the troubadours, Guiraut Riquier (1254-1292). These two traditions of love literature are thus distinguished by the nature of their literary histories and also by the loves they describe. Despite this, the shape of the loves they discuss as well as the language used to speak about love are not so different.
Like Old French, from the 9th to the 13th century, Old Occitan preserved the two-case system of Vulgar Latin, subjective and objective, and it seems that until the middle of the 12th century, the written and spoken languages were identical. Then, the distinction between the cases disappeared in spoken usage, though they still persisted in the written texts of the Trobadors. This period can be qualified as the Golden Age or the time of the Trobadors.
A second period ranges from the beginning of the 14th century to the middle of the 16th. It is characterized by the dropping altogether of the flexions in witten texts, by the beginning of dialectization, the dropping of courteous vocabulary and the use of learned words borrowed from Latin and Greek to express law, medecine, philosophy and theology. Occitan was no longer a literary language, but it was used to write the deeds, the accounts, the chronicles and the resolutions of local communities. Since the second half of the 16th century to our days, Occitan was banned from written documents, and reduced to oral usage only, mainly by country and working people, in their everyday life, at work or at home.
“Singing to another tune” is from Las Leys d’amors (The Laws of Love), a poetic treatise compiled by Guilhem Molinier in the first half of the fourteenth century. Guilhem’s phrase pertains to a compositional technique known to modern scholars as contrafacture, in which the troubadour fashions new lyrics after the poetic structure of a preexistent song, thereby allowing his work to be sung to the earlier melody. The technique of contrafacture is documented not only by Guilhem and contemporaneous theorists but also by the troubadours themselves, who on a number of occasions acknowledge composing a poem “el so de,” or “to the tune of” another composer. Both theory and practice demonstrate that structural imitation came to be most closely associated with several specific genres, including the sirventes (moralizing piece), tenso (debate song), coblas (song of few strophes), and planh (lament), their poetic structures commonly modeled after those of the canso, the dominant genre of troubadour composition. Despite abundant structural indications of contrafacture within the troubadour repertoire, melodic traces of the practice are surprisingly scant. Confirmation of melodic borrowing depends upon the preservation of a model and its contrafactum with their concordant musical readings, yet the small proportion of surviving troubadour melodies (with only one in ten lyric texts transmitted with its tune) poses a significant impediment to melodic corroboration. Only three sirventes have been preserved with melodies that duplicate those of preexistent cansos. In the remaining instances in which a sirventes, tenso, or other imitative type is preserved with a melodic unicum, scholars of troubadour song have tended to maintain that, absent melodic corroboration, the tune must be presumed original rather than borrowed. In view of the sparseness of the musical record, however, one should give consideration to an alternate interpretation, namely that the tune preserved exclusively with a given troubadour’s sirventes and thereafter transmitted as his invention may actually have been borrowed from a preexistent canso whose melody is no longer extant in its original setting. Isolating viable structural models for such suspected contrafacta allows the possibility of reascribing potentially borrowed melodies to their original composers. The study of contrafacture can thus lead us to question the received attributions of a number of tunes, thereby posing a challenge to the readily made assumption that the manuscript rubrics consistently pertain to both text and melody. By examining several suspected cases of contrafacture within a web of relevant indices– e.g., generic norms, intertextual correlations, socio-historic context, rhetorical motivation, transmission, and melodic style– we gain greater insight into a compositional technique that indelibly marked the art of the troubadours.
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