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Mirèlha (Occitan Provençau)
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Er Estatut d’Autonomia hè oficiau era lengua occitana en Catalonha. Se concrète en Art 6.5.: Era lengua occitana, nomentada aranés en Aran, ei era lengua pròpria d’aguest territòri e ei oficiau en Catalonha, cossent damb çò qu’establissen aguest Estatut e es leis de normalizacion lingüistica. Ua des responsabilitat qu’a d’assumir era institucion, ei a dí- der era Generalitat e eth Conselh Generau d’Aran, en procès de metuda era practica dera oficialitat dera lengua occitana, ei era sua referéncia lingüistica. Ua lengua a de besonh uns referents clars entà mostrar ua coeréncia normatiua.
S’era lengua ei ua, era occitana, ua a d’èster era nòrma de referéncia maugrat que pòden èster diuèrses es interpretacions e aplicacions.
Era aplicacion der Estatut hè de besonh era contínua relacion damb aguesta nòrma referent e damb era sua forma l’aplicacion. En cas der aranés aguesta nòrma occitana se concrète enes Nòrmes ortografiques der aranés que ja an mès de vint-e-cinc ans d’emplec sociau (escòla, administracion, …).
Es elements fonamentaus d’aguesta nòrma referent son longaments acceptats en tot eth territòri lingüistic, mès mos cau concretar e èster eth maxim de rigorosi, donques qu’era sua gestion non ei tostemp clara e evidenta. Sense aguest rigor es decisions non serien competentes e serioses. Ei plan per açò que, per manca d’ua autoritat normatiua de tot eth territòri lingüistic, era Secretaria de Politica Lingüistica s’a dotat der assessorament d’un Grop de Lingüistica Occitana (GLO) format per setze persones prestigioses en estudi dera lengua occitana, qu’amasse fòrça des sen- sibilitats existentes. Entre es compausants deth Grop i a tres membres der Institut d’Estudis Aranesi que garantissen eth respècte per aguesta varietat.
Mès, eth GLO non ei era autoritat, non cree nòrma, sonque l’ administre e assessore ara SPL ena sua aplicacion. Trabalhe ena perspectiva dera unitat lingüistica, e eth respècte dera varietat aranesa, sense hèr nòrma.
Ath torn der ahèr aranés-occitan s’a produsit un debat, en fòrça escadences rei- teratiu, sus er ensemblatge dera varietat aranesa e dera sua nòrma damb era varietat generau (hugim de denominacions coma estandard o referenciaus entà non entrar en competéncies pròpries dera autoritat lingüistica). Aguesta varietat generau a estat denominada d’ues autes formes per diuèrsi autors: occitan larg, occitan comun, neolanguedocian, occitan ortopedic, occitan referenciau,…
Eth trabalh que ven a contunhacion ei ua contribucion ad aguest debat. Es sòns autors son professionaus dera lengua, boni coneishedors dera varietat aranesa e dera varietat generau dera lengua occitana. Damb eri eth debat non s’acabe, ne s’inície, sonque se contunhe.
“Singing to another tune” is from Las Leys d’amors (The Laws of Love), a poetic treatise compiled by Guilhem Molinier in the first half of the fourteenth century. Guilhem’s phrase pertains to a compositional technique known to modern scholars as contrafacture, in which the troubadour fashions new lyrics after the poetic structure of a preexistent song, thereby allowing his work to be sung to the earlier melody. The technique of contrafacture is documented not only by Guilhem and contemporaneous theorists but also by the troubadours themselves, who on a number of occasions acknowledge composing a poem “el so de,” or “to the tune of” another composer. Both theory and practice demonstrate that structural imitation came to be most closely associated with several specific genres, including the sirventes (moralizing piece), tenso (debate song), coblas (song of few strophes), and planh (lament), their poetic structures commonly modeled after those of the canso, the dominant genre of troubadour composition. Despite abundant structural indications of contrafacture within the troubadour repertoire, melodic traces of the practice are surprisingly scant. Confirmation of melodic borrowing depends upon the preservation of a model and its contrafactum with their concordant musical readings, yet the small proportion of surviving troubadour melodies (with only one in ten lyric texts transmitted with its tune) poses a significant impediment to melodic corroboration. Only three sirventes have been preserved with melodies that duplicate those of preexistent cansos. In the remaining instances in which a sirventes, tenso, or other imitative type is preserved with a melodic unicum, scholars of troubadour song have tended to maintain that, absent melodic corroboration, the tune must be presumed original rather than borrowed. In view of the sparseness of the musical record, however, one should give consideration to an alternate interpretation, namely that the tune preserved exclusively with a given troubadour’s sirventes and thereafter transmitted as his invention may actually have been borrowed from a preexistent canso whose melody is no longer extant in its original setting. Isolating viable structural models for such suspected contrafacta allows the possibility of reascribing potentially borrowed melodies to their original composers. The study of contrafacture can thus lead us to question the received attributions of a number of tunes, thereby posing a challenge to the readily made assumption that the manuscript rubrics consistently pertain to both text and melody. By examining several suspected cases of contrafacture within a web of relevant indices– e.g., generic norms, intertextual correlations, socio-historic context, rhetorical motivation, transmission, and melodic style– we gain greater insight into a compositional technique that indelibly marked the art of the troubadours.
Like Old French, from the 9th to the 13th century, Old Occitan preserved the two-case system of Vulgar Latin, subjective and objective, and it seems that until the middle of the 12th century, the written and spoken languages were identical. Then, the distinction between the cases disappeared in spoken usage, though they still persisted in the written texts of the Trobadors. This period can be qualified as the Golden Age or the time of the Trobadors.
A second period ranges from the beginning of the 14th century to the middle of the 16th. It is characterized by the dropping altogether of the flexions in witten texts, by the beginning of dialectization, the dropping of courteous vocabulary and the use of learned words borrowed from Latin and Greek to express law, medecine, philosophy and theology. Occitan was no longer a literary language, but it was used to write the deeds, the accounts, the chronicles and the resolutions of local communities. Since the second half of the 16th century to our days, Occitan was banned from written documents, and reduced to oral usage only, mainly by country and working people, in their everyday life, at work or at home.
Orthographe et prononciation, Grammaire et syntaxe, Lexique A à ZHéritière du latin, la langue d’oc s’est formée dans la continuité de la désagrégation de l’empire romain. On fixe généralement le XI ème siècle comme la période achevant définitivement la formation de la langue nouvelle. Dès ses origines, comme pour les autres langues latines, la langue d’oc présentait des variations régionales, dont les grands dialectes actuelles sont les continuateurs.
Le mot occitan, ancien mais quasiment inusité pendant longtemps, est aujourd’hui admis pour désigner l’ensemble des parlers prolongateurs de l’ancienne langue d’oc. Il remplace vantageusement le terme provençal autrefois utilisé avec le même sens.
Il est de nos jours couramment admis de classer les parlers occitans en six dialectes: le limousin, le gascon, l’auvergnat, le languedocien, le vivaro-alpin et le provençal. Cette classification, basée sur des critères uniquement linguistiques, ne recouvrent toutefois pas la délimitation des provinces de même nom. Au sein de l’Occitanie, le vivaro-alpin lui-même souffre d’un défaut d’identification sociale claire, et il est souvent désigné sous les noms de ‘dauphinois’, ‘nord-provençal’, ‘gavot’, ‘provençal-alpin’.
This major reference work is the fourth volume in the series “Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages”. Its intention is to update the French and Occitan chapters in R.S. Loomis’ “Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: A Collaborative History” (Oxford, 1959) and to provide a volume which will serve the needs of students and scholars of Arthurian literature. The principal focus is the production, dissemination and evolution of Arthurian material in French and Occitan from the twelfth to the fifteenth century. Beginning with a substantial overview of Arthurian manuscripts, the volume covers writing in both verse (Wace, the Tristan legend, Chretien de Troyes and the Grail Continuations, Marie de France and the anonymous lays, the lesser known romances) and prose (the Vulgate Cycle, the prose Tristan, the Post-Vulgate Roman du Graal, etc.).
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