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Mireio (Occitan)
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La Vall d’Aran està separada políticament dels països occitans veïns des de fa segles, i en certa manera això ha estat definitiu d’ençà de la concessió als aranesos dels privilegis inclosos a Era Querimònia l’any 1313, després que aquell país gascó decidís d’adscriure’s a la Corona d’Aragó i passar a formar part del Principat de Catalunya en unes condicions certament particulars que no té cap altra zona del ter- ritori. Només algunes invasions episòdiques del Regne o de la República de França en els segles posteriors (vegeu Lladonosa, 2001) han fet que aquella vall gascona, durant alguns períodes breus, no hagi estat diferent de les altres valls occitanes veïnes des d’un punt de vista polític.
De fet, la diferència en l’adscripció estatal respecte a les zones occitanes imme- diates ha condicionat enormement la visió que els lingüistes i altres estudiosos han tingut tradicionalment de l’aranès, segurament oblidant que la Vall d’Aran, tot i de- pendre políticament de successius estats ibèrics, ha continuat mantenint unes inten- ses relacions humanes amb els territoris veïns que també parlen occità, unes relacions segurament més intenses que no pas les que també ha mantingut amb els territoris catalans immediats (que no han estat, ni de bon tros, inexistents). No oblidem que la Vall d’Aran es troba al nord de l’eix pirinenc, orientada cap a l’Atlàntic, l’oceà on va a parar el riu Garona, que viatja fins a Tolosa o Bordeus i que és precisament la columna vertebral d’aquell petit país pirinenc, al costat del qual s’arrengleren la major part de poblacions araneses. En aquest petit treball pretenem fer una breu aproximació a la dialectologia aranesa tenint en compte tot això que acabem d’assenyalar. Prescindint de prejudicis estatals i d’apriorismes. Deixant de banda visions contaminades per les adscripcions administratives, sovint sobrevalorades. La nostra intenció és de demostrar, sobretot mitjançant un catàleg de fets lingüístics, que la diversitat dialectal de l’aranès potser no es pot deslligar de les relacions —o la intensitat d’aquestes mateixes relacions— que les diferents zones de la Vall d’Aran han tingut amb els diferents països occitans veïns, i que en la geolingüística aranesa tenen un paper ca- pital les afinitats amb els parlars immediats del Comenge i del Coserans, els dos territoris gascons immediats. Com veurem, l’occità parlat en algunes poblacions de la Vall d’Aran fins i tot pot presentar més afinitats —almenys tradicionalment— amb el gascó que hi ha en localitats administrativament franceses que no pas amb el que s’usa en localitats situades a la mateixa Vall d’Aran. La frontera, la teòrica frontera definitivament instal·lada al segle xiv, ha estat realment mai un obstacle per a la co- municació entre els occitans d’un costat i de l’altre de la línia administrativa? Ha suposat una barrera per a la difusió de certes solucions fonètiques, morfosintàctiques o lexicals? Des del punt de vista lingüístic, ja veurem que la resposta és categòrica.
Cette méthode d occitan donne à voir toutes les variétés (ou dialectes) d occitan. La première partie de l ouvrage présente le languedocien standard une variété qui permet de comprendre assez aisément la plupart des autres dialectes occitans puisque l aire languedocienne occupe le centre géographique de l espace occitan. La méthode revient ensuite sur les six principaux dialectes de l aire occitane (auvergnat, gascon, languedocien, limousin, provençal, vivaro-alpin) parlés dans trois pays (France, Espagne, Italie) et donne également accès à l occitan médiéval sur une série de leçons. Les acteurs locaux, très actifs dans la promotion de leur langue, ont été partie intégrante de cet ouvrage à la fois par le biais des relectures et des enregistrements. Cet ouvrage a été publié avec le soutien de la Direction Générale de la Langue Française et des Langues de France (Ministère de la Culture) et de l Union Latine.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
Some of medieval culture’s most arresting images and stories inextricably associate love and death. Thus the troubadour Jaufre Rudel dies in the arms of the countess of Tripoli, having loved her from afar without ever having seen her. Or in Marie de France’s Chevrefoil, Tristan and Iseult’s fatal love is hauntingly symbolized by the fatally entwined honeysuckle and hazel. And who could forget the ethereal spectacle of the Damoisele of Escalot’s body carried to Camelot on a supernatural funerary boat with a letter on her breast explaining how her unrequited love for Lancelot killed her? Medieval literature is fascinated with the idea that love may be a fatal affliction. Indeed, it is frequently suggested that true love requires sacrifice, that you must be ready to die for, from, and in love. Love, in other words, is represented, sometimes explicitly, as a form of martyrdom, a notion that is repeatedly reinforced by courtly literature’s borrowing of religious vocabulary and imagery. The paradigm of the martyr to love has of course remained compelling in the early modern and modern period.
This book seeks to explore what is at stake in medieval literature’s preoccupation with love’s martyrdom. Informed by modern theoretical approaches, particularly Lacanian psychoanalysis and Jacques Derrida’s work on ethics, it offers new readings of a wide range of French and Occitan courtly texts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and argues that a new secular ethics of desire emerges from courtly literature because of its fascination with death. This book also examines the interplay between lyric and romance in courtly literary culture and shows how courtly literature’s predilection for sacrificial desire imposes a repressive sex-gender system that may then be subverted by fictional women and queers who either fail to die on cue, or who die in troublesome and disruptive ways.
De A autant d’argent que de pesolhs à Virar coma un baciu fagord, ce sont plus de 1000 expressions et dictons occitans, enracinés au plus profond de notre quotidien, qui sont réunis et expliqués dans cet ouvrage. A leur source, l’observation et l’imagination pour les unes : Aimable coma una mosca d’ase ; Aver d’argent coma un chin de nièras ; Aver un cuol coma un amolaire ; Cargat coma un muol; Curios coma un pet ; Dormir coma una missara. la musicalité et la rime qui facilitent la mémorisation pour les autres : Al mes d’abriu, Io cocut canta, mort o viu ; Auba roja, vent o ploja ; Cada topin troba sa cabucèla ; Es lo matin que la jornada se pèrd o se ganha ; Grèc, pluèja al bec ; La raça raceja. Tous ont été choisis par l’auteur à partir d’enquêtes et de lectures personnelles.
This major reference work is the fourth volume in the series “Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages”. Its intention is to update the French and Occitan chapters in R.S. Loomis’ “Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: A Collaborative History” (Oxford, 1959) and to provide a volume which will serve the needs of students and scholars of Arthurian literature. The principal focus is the production, dissemination and evolution of Arthurian material in French and Occitan from the twelfth to the fifteenth century. Beginning with a substantial overview of Arthurian manuscripts, the volume covers writing in both verse (Wace, the Tristan legend, Chretien de Troyes and the Grail Continuations, Marie de France and the anonymous lays, the lesser known romances) and prose (the Vulgate Cycle, the prose Tristan, the Post-Vulgate Roman du Graal, etc.).
A quiet renaissance has been unfolding in certain parts of Europe – a renaissance of literature written in minority languages. In this book, William Calin explores the renaissance through an examination of twentieth-century works in Scots, Breton, and Occitan minority languages flourishing inside the borders of the United Kingdom and France.
For each of the three bodies of literature Calin considers major authors whose works include novels, poetry and plays, and shows that all three literatures have evolved in a like manner, repudiating their romantic folk heritage and turning instead to modern and postmodern concerns. Drawing on current critical theories in periodization, postcolonialism and cultural studies, Calin raises a range of comparative questions: Is there a common form of narrative prevalent in minority cultures that is neither realism nor metafiction? Is the minority-language theatre limited to plots treating past history and the rural present? What is the relationship between the minority literature and literature in the national language? What kind of history should be written on the literatures of Scotland, Brittany and the South of France, manifest in their several languages?
Calin’s pioneering study is the first comparative scrutiny of these minority literatures and the first to bring all three together into the mainstream of present-day criticism. His work demonstrates the intrinsic importance in their twentieth-century renewal, as well as their contribution to global culture, in both aesthetic and broadly human terms.
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