Ua publicacion especiau dera Societé des Langues romanes de Montpellier (MCMXXIX).
Les troubadours et les Bretons
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Joseph Anglade siguec professor ena Universitat de Tolosa.
L’idée du présent travail date de plus de vingt-cinq ans..
0,00 €
Joseph Anglade siguec professor ena Universitat de Tolosa.
L’idée du présent travail date de plus de vingt-cinq ans..
Ua publicacion especiau dera Societé des Langues romanes de Montpellier (MCMXXIX).
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From Petrarch and Dante to Pound and Eliot, the influence of the troubadours on European poetry has been profound. They have rightly stimulated a vast amount of critical writing, but the majority of modern critics see the troubadour tradition as a corpus of earnestly serious and confessional love poetry, with little or no humour. Troubadours and Irony re-examines the work offiveearly troubadours, namely Marcabru, Bernart Marti, Peire d’Alvernha, Raimbaut d’Aurenga and Giraut de Borneil, to argue that the courtly poetry of Southern France in the twelfth century was permeated with irony and that many troubadour songs were playful, laced with humorous sexual innuendo and far from serious; attention is also drawn to the large corpus of texts that are not love poems, but comic or satirical songs. New interpretations of many problematic troubadour poems are offered; in some cases the received view of a troubadour’s work is questioned. New perspectives on the tradition as a whole are suggested, and consequently on courtly culture in general. The author addresses the philological problems, by no means negligible, posed by the texts in question, and several poems are re-edited from the manuscripts.
Er Estatut d’Autonomia hè oficiau era lengua occitana en Catalonha. Se concrète en Art 6.5.: Era lengua occitana, nomentada aranés en Aran, ei era lengua pròpria d’aguest territòri e ei oficiau en Catalonha, cossent damb çò qu’establissen aguest Estatut e es leis de normalizacion lingüistica. Ua des responsabilitat qu’a d’assumir era institucion, ei a dí- der era Generalitat e eth Conselh Generau d’Aran, en procès de metuda era practica dera oficialitat dera lengua occitana, ei era sua referéncia lingüistica. Ua lengua a de besonh uns referents clars entà mostrar ua coeréncia normatiua.
S’era lengua ei ua, era occitana, ua a d’èster era nòrma de referéncia maugrat que pòden èster diuèrses es interpretacions e aplicacions.
Era aplicacion der Estatut hè de besonh era contínua relacion damb aguesta nòrma referent e damb era sua forma l’aplicacion. En cas der aranés aguesta nòrma occitana se concrète enes Nòrmes ortografiques der aranés que ja an mès de vint-e-cinc ans d’emplec sociau (escòla, administracion, …).
Es elements fonamentaus d’aguesta nòrma referent son longaments acceptats en tot eth territòri lingüistic, mès mos cau concretar e èster eth maxim de rigorosi, donques qu’era sua gestion non ei tostemp clara e evidenta. Sense aguest rigor es decisions non serien competentes e serioses. Ei plan per açò que, per manca d’ua autoritat normatiua de tot eth territòri lingüistic, era Secretaria de Politica Lingüistica s’a dotat der assessorament d’un Grop de Lingüistica Occitana (GLO) format per setze persones prestigioses en estudi dera lengua occitana, qu’amasse fòrça des sen- sibilitats existentes. Entre es compausants deth Grop i a tres membres der Institut d’Estudis Aranesi que garantissen eth respècte per aguesta varietat.
Mès, eth GLO non ei era autoritat, non cree nòrma, sonque l’ administre e assessore ara SPL ena sua aplicacion. Trabalhe ena perspectiva dera unitat lingüistica, e eth respècte dera varietat aranesa, sense hèr nòrma.
Ath torn der ahèr aranés-occitan s’a produsit un debat, en fòrça escadences rei- teratiu, sus er ensemblatge dera varietat aranesa e dera sua nòrma damb era varietat generau (hugim de denominacions coma estandard o referenciaus entà non entrar en competéncies pròpries dera autoritat lingüistica). Aguesta varietat generau a estat denominada d’ues autes formes per diuèrsi autors: occitan larg, occitan comun, neolanguedocian, occitan ortopedic, occitan referenciau,…
Eth trabalh que ven a contunhacion ei ua contribucion ad aguest debat. Es sòns autors son professionaus dera lengua, boni coneishedors dera varietat aranesa e dera varietat generau dera lengua occitana. Damb eri eth debat non s’acabe, ne s’inície, sonque se contunhe.
Aran ath long dera sua millenària existéncia a anat configurant ua simbologia pròpia, uns senhaus d’identitat, ua istòria e un patrimòni d’identificacion collectiua.
Auem er escut qu’ei reflèxe e expression dea nòsta istòria. Sintèssis de toti es elements: Lengua, Istòria, Art, Territòri e Volentat collectiua; Diuersitat e convivéncia. Er escut sintetise toti aguesti element d’arraötz popular e eth pòble les identifique coma pròpis.
Angel Claveria a sabut articular tot eth contengut simbolic en aguestes quate planes, Mos cau emplegar e mantier es simbèus entà permanéisher coma pòble.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
Montaillou: un petit village de montagnards et de bergers en haute Auriège, à 1 300 mètres d’altitude. En 1320, Jacques Fournier, évêque de Pamiers, plus tard pape d’Avignon, y déploie ses talents d’inquisiteur. Il finit par déterrer tous les secrets du village.
Rien n’échappe à cet évêque fureteur, ni les vies intimes, ni les drames de l’existence quotidienne.
En s’appuyant sur cet extraordinaire document de Jacques Fournier, sorte de roman vrai du petit peuple du XIV siècle, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie ressuscite, en utilisant les méthodes historiques et ethnographiques les plus actuelles, la réalité occitane et cathare d’il y a six cent cinquante ans.
This book offers a general introduction to the world of the troubadours. Its sixteen chapters, newly commissioned from leading scholars in Britain, the United States, France, Italy and Spain, trace the development of troubadour song (including music), engage with the main trends in troubadour scholarship, and examine the reception of troubadour poetry in manuscripts and in Northern French romance. A series of appendices offer an invaluable guide to more than fifty troubadours, to technical vocabulary, to research tools and to surviving manuscripts.
Some of medieval culture’s most arresting images and stories inextricably associate love and death. Thus the troubadour Jaufre Rudel dies in the arms of the countess of Tripoli, having loved her from afar without ever having seen her. Or in Marie de France’s Chevrefoil, Tristan and Iseult’s fatal love is hauntingly symbolized by the fatally entwined honeysuckle and hazel. And who could forget the ethereal spectacle of the Damoisele of Escalot’s body carried to Camelot on a supernatural funerary boat with a letter on her breast explaining how her unrequited love for Lancelot killed her? Medieval literature is fascinated with the idea that love may be a fatal affliction. Indeed, it is frequently suggested that true love requires sacrifice, that you must be ready to die for, from, and in love. Love, in other words, is represented, sometimes explicitly, as a form of martyrdom, a notion that is repeatedly reinforced by courtly literature’s borrowing of religious vocabulary and imagery. The paradigm of the martyr to love has of course remained compelling in the early modern and modern period.
This book seeks to explore what is at stake in medieval literature’s preoccupation with love’s martyrdom. Informed by modern theoretical approaches, particularly Lacanian psychoanalysis and Jacques Derrida’s work on ethics, it offers new readings of a wide range of French and Occitan courtly texts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and argues that a new secular ethics of desire emerges from courtly literature because of its fascination with death. This book also examines the interplay between lyric and romance in courtly literary culture and shows how courtly literature’s predilection for sacrificial desire imposes a repressive sex-gender system that may then be subverted by fictional women and queers who either fail to die on cue, or who die in troublesome and disruptive ways.
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