Ua publicacion dera Librairie Honoré Champion, publicat en 1967.
Les chansons de Guillaume IX duc d’Aquitaine (1071-1127)
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Ua publicacion dera Librairie Honoré Champion, publicat en 1967.
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The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
I a pògues causes en lenguatge que donguen tanta escadença ara creativitat com era toponímia. Es colors, es formes, era vegetacion deth territòri; es nòms o es maunòms des sòns estatjants; ua istòria, un avodament, ua legenda o un equipament… quina causa que sigue barrejada damb er engenh dera gent servís entà generar un toponim.
Pr’amor d’açò, es nòms de lòc mos diden plen de causes sus es abitants, sus es origines o sus era natura de cada endret e son capables de crear un trincadís de colors plan variats que balhe personalitat a cada cornèr deth país.
Mès es toponims son tanben informacion, descripcion precisa, coordenada exacta enes mapes, nomenclators urbans, bases de donades o guides. Son un element indispensable de guidatge e de referéncia sus un territòri plen de persones en movement.
Aguesti dus aspèctes son es qu’an encoratjat ara Comission de Toponímia de Catalonha tà aufrir as municipis e tà toti es qu’agen de trabalhar damb nòms de lòc, uns Critèris que mos an de perméter preservar plan viua era riquesa culturau qu’era toponímia represente e adobar-la entà hèr-la utila.
Aguest seriós estudi qu’auetz enes mans ei ua campanada ena nòsta cultura, que mos enlumene sus un des aspèctes mès desconeishuts dera nòsta istòria. Ei damb gòi que guardam es campanaus lheuar-se orhulhosi ath miei des nòsti pòbles. Son eth referent paisagistic e visuau… e damb eth sòn penetrant tapatge mos enlumènen tanben en nòste moviment.
Ena nòsta vida diària i son presentes es campanes, i an estat des de hè molt… des de tostemp, e ena nòsta petita literatura ne parlen diuèrsi autors. Auíem de besonh aguest estudi, mos calie articular damb rigor un discors que mos permetesse explicar que tanben ath torn d’aqueres majestuoses tors s’a gestat era nòsta identitat.
Some of medieval culture’s most arresting images and stories inextricably associate love and death. Thus the troubadour Jaufre Rudel dies in the arms of the countess of Tripoli, having loved her from afar without ever having seen her. Or in Marie de France’s Chevrefoil, Tristan and Iseult’s fatal love is hauntingly symbolized by the fatally entwined honeysuckle and hazel. And who could forget the ethereal spectacle of the Damoisele of Escalot’s body carried to Camelot on a supernatural funerary boat with a letter on her breast explaining how her unrequited love for Lancelot killed her? Medieval literature is fascinated with the idea that love may be a fatal affliction. Indeed, it is frequently suggested that true love requires sacrifice, that you must be ready to die for, from, and in love. Love, in other words, is represented, sometimes explicitly, as a form of martyrdom, a notion that is repeatedly reinforced by courtly literature’s borrowing of religious vocabulary and imagery. The paradigm of the martyr to love has of course remained compelling in the early modern and modern period.
This book seeks to explore what is at stake in medieval literature’s preoccupation with love’s martyrdom. Informed by modern theoretical approaches, particularly Lacanian psychoanalysis and Jacques Derrida’s work on ethics, it offers new readings of a wide range of French and Occitan courtly texts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and argues that a new secular ethics of desire emerges from courtly literature because of its fascination with death. This book also examines the interplay between lyric and romance in courtly literary culture and shows how courtly literature’s predilection for sacrificial desire imposes a repressive sex-gender system that may then be subverted by fictional women and queers who either fail to die on cue, or who die in troublesome and disruptive ways.
El Valle de Arán, tan caracterizado geográficamente por sus verdes praderas, sus tupidos bosques, sus arriscadas cimas, tiene también un habla que lo define: el aranés, que, como se nos dice en la introducción de este libro, no es propiamente un dialecto catalán, sino que está emparentado con el gascón, que se conserva todavía vivo entre las gentes del pueblo de los lugares del sur de Francia, que constituyen las históricas tierras de la Gascuña.
Casimiro Ademá, el autor de este estudio, aparte de poseer unos conocimientos poco comunes en la materia –aún no siendo un especialista en filología–, nos da de este fenómeno lingüístico un testimonio vivo y directo adquirido esencialmente en las conversaciones y convivencia con las gentes de su tierra.
Se sap que, en el conjunt dels parlars romànics, no resulta excep- cional de trobar varietats lingüístiques que, en l’imperfet d’indicatiu de la segona i la tercera conjugacions, presentin a la desinència un so labial intervocàlic. Apareix, per exemple, dialectalment, en espanyol: en zones ben diverses, en clapes disperses, ja sigui en el vell o en el nou continent. Apareix en rètic o en dialectes itàlics: com, sense anar més lluny, en el toscà mateix. O bé també en aragonès, llengua en la qual «la terminación del imperfecto mantiene la -b- tanto en la primera como en la segunda y tercera conjugaciones» (ALVAR, 1953: 230) i en què aquestes formes amb un element bilabial —perquè, com en espanyol, hi és bilabial— a la desinència són, de fet, les formes referencials.
L’objectiu, doncs, no és de tractar d’afers —recurrents, per altra banda— com l’origen etimològic o analògic d’aquell so consonàntic, sinó sobretot de treure a la llum dades que hi fan referència: informa- cions obtingudes durant els darrers set anys arreu dels pobles de la Vall d’Aran —i també del Comenge veí, ja a l’Estat francès— a través d’enquestes de tipus dialectològic de format —diguem-ne— clàssic.
In 1209 Simon of Montfort led a war against the Cathars of Languedoc after Pope Innocent III preached a crusade condemning them as heretics. The suppression of heresy became a pretext for a vicious war that remains largely unstudied as a military conflict. Laurence Marvin here examines the Albigensian Crusade as military and political history rather than religious history, and traces these dimensions of the conflict through to Montfort’s death in 1218. He shows how Montfort experienced military success in spite of a hostile populace, impossible military targets, armies that dissolved every forty days, and a pope who often failed to support the crusade morally or financially. He also discusses the supposed brutality of the war, why the inhabitants were for so long unsuccessful at defending themselves against it, and its impact on Occitania. This original account will appeal to scholars of medieval France, the Crusades, and medieval military history.
LAURENCE W. MARVIN is Associate Professor of History at the Evans School of Humanities, Berry College, Georgia.
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