Jongleurs et troubadours gascons des XIIe et XIIIe siècles ei publicat pera Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, en 1923.
Jongleurs et troubadours gascons des XIIe et XIIIe siècles
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Jongleurs et troubadours gascons des XIIe et XIIIe siècles ei publicat pera Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, en 1923.
Category: | Estudis e monografics |
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Tags: | especializacion, estudis, gascon, istòria, monografics, occitan, trobadors |
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format |
Per toti es publicacions
Pes libres en format papèr
En lengua occitana
Tòn equipa ath tòn servici
From Petrarch and Dante to Pound and Eliot, the influence of the troubadours on European poetry has been profound. They have rightly stimulated a vast amount of critical writing, but the majority of modern critics see the troubadour tradition as a corpus of earnestly serious and confessional love poetry, with little or no humour. Troubadours and Irony re-examines the work offiveearly troubadours, namely Marcabru, Bernart Marti, Peire d’Alvernha, Raimbaut d’Aurenga and Giraut de Borneil, to argue that the courtly poetry of Southern France in the twelfth century was permeated with irony and that many troubadour songs were playful, laced with humorous sexual innuendo and far from serious; attention is also drawn to the large corpus of texts that are not love poems, but comic or satirical songs. New interpretations of many problematic troubadour poems are offered; in some cases the received view of a troubadour’s work is questioned. New perspectives on the tradition as a whole are suggested, and consequently on courtly culture in general. The author addresses the philological problems, by no means negligible, posed by the texts in question, and several poems are re-edited from the manuscripts.
An edition and translation of some 30 poems by the trobairditz, a remarkable group of women poets from the 12th and 13th centuries, who composed in the style and language of the troubadours.
The medieval troubadours of the South of France profoundly influenced European literature for many centuries. This book is the first full-length study of the first-person subject position adopted by many of them in its relation to language and society. Using modern theoretical approaches, Sarah Kay discusses to what extent this first person is a “self” or “character,” and how far it is self-determining. Kay draws on a wide range of troubadour texts, providing many close readings and translating all medieval quotations into English. Her book will be of interest both to scholars of medieval literature, and to anyone investigating subjectivity in lyric poetry.
Se sap que, en el conjunt dels parlars romànics, no resulta excep- cional de trobar varietats lingüístiques que, en l’imperfet d’indicatiu de la segona i la tercera conjugacions, presentin a la desinència un so labial intervocàlic. Apareix, per exemple, dialectalment, en espanyol: en zones ben diverses, en clapes disperses, ja sigui en el vell o en el nou continent. Apareix en rètic o en dialectes itàlics: com, sense anar més lluny, en el toscà mateix. O bé també en aragonès, llengua en la qual «la terminación del imperfecto mantiene la -b- tanto en la primera como en la segunda y tercera conjugaciones» (ALVAR, 1953: 230) i en què aquestes formes amb un element bilabial —perquè, com en espanyol, hi és bilabial— a la desinència són, de fet, les formes referencials.
L’objectiu, doncs, no és de tractar d’afers —recurrents, per altra banda— com l’origen etimològic o analògic d’aquell so consonàntic, sinó sobretot de treure a la llum dades que hi fan referència: informa- cions obtingudes durant els darrers set anys arreu dels pobles de la Vall d’Aran —i també del Comenge veí, ja a l’Estat francès— a través d’enquestes de tipus dialectològic de format —diguem-ne— clàssic.
Er Estatut d’Autonomia hè oficiau era lengua occitana en Catalonha. Se concrète en Art 6.5.: Era lengua occitana, nomentada aranés en Aran, ei era lengua pròpria d’aguest territòri e ei oficiau en Catalonha, cossent damb çò qu’establissen aguest Estatut e es leis de normalizacion lingüistica. Ua des responsabilitat qu’a d’assumir era institucion, ei a dí- der era Generalitat e eth Conselh Generau d’Aran, en procès de metuda era practica dera oficialitat dera lengua occitana, ei era sua referéncia lingüistica. Ua lengua a de besonh uns referents clars entà mostrar ua coeréncia normatiua.
S’era lengua ei ua, era occitana, ua a d’èster era nòrma de referéncia maugrat que pòden èster diuèrses es interpretacions e aplicacions.
Era aplicacion der Estatut hè de besonh era contínua relacion damb aguesta nòrma referent e damb era sua forma l’aplicacion. En cas der aranés aguesta nòrma occitana se concrète enes Nòrmes ortografiques der aranés que ja an mès de vint-e-cinc ans d’emplec sociau (escòla, administracion, …).
Es elements fonamentaus d’aguesta nòrma referent son longaments acceptats en tot eth territòri lingüistic, mès mos cau concretar e èster eth maxim de rigorosi, donques qu’era sua gestion non ei tostemp clara e evidenta. Sense aguest rigor es decisions non serien competentes e serioses. Ei plan per açò que, per manca d’ua autoritat normatiua de tot eth territòri lingüistic, era Secretaria de Politica Lingüistica s’a dotat der assessorament d’un Grop de Lingüistica Occitana (GLO) format per setze persones prestigioses en estudi dera lengua occitana, qu’amasse fòrça des sen- sibilitats existentes. Entre es compausants deth Grop i a tres membres der Institut d’Estudis Aranesi que garantissen eth respècte per aguesta varietat.
Mès, eth GLO non ei era autoritat, non cree nòrma, sonque l’ administre e assessore ara SPL ena sua aplicacion. Trabalhe ena perspectiva dera unitat lingüistica, e eth respècte dera varietat aranesa, sense hèr nòrma.
Ath torn der ahèr aranés-occitan s’a produsit un debat, en fòrça escadences rei- teratiu, sus er ensemblatge dera varietat aranesa e dera sua nòrma damb era varietat generau (hugim de denominacions coma estandard o referenciaus entà non entrar en competéncies pròpries dera autoritat lingüistica). Aguesta varietat generau a estat denominada d’ues autes formes per diuèrsi autors: occitan larg, occitan comun, neolanguedocian, occitan ortopedic, occitan referenciau,…
Eth trabalh que ven a contunhacion ei ua contribucion ad aguest debat. Es sòns autors son professionaus dera lengua, boni coneishedors dera varietat aranesa e dera varietat generau dera lengua occitana. Damb eri eth debat non s’acabe, ne s’inície, sonque se contunhe.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
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