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Un article de Jordi Serra-Cobo, deth Departament de Biologica Evolutiva, Ecologia i Ciències Ambientals dera Facultat de Biologia dera Universitat de Barcelona.
Institut de Recerca de la Biodiversitat (IRBIO).
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Montaillou: un petit village de montagnards et de bergers en haute Auriège, à 1 300 mètres d’altitude. En 1320, Jacques Fournier, évêque de Pamiers, plus tard pape d’Avignon, y déploie ses talents d’inquisiteur. Il finit par déterrer tous les secrets du village.
Rien n’échappe à cet évêque fureteur, ni les vies intimes, ni les drames de l’existence quotidienne.
En s’appuyant sur cet extraordinaire document de Jacques Fournier, sorte de roman vrai du petit peuple du XIV siècle, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie ressuscite, en utilisant les méthodes historiques et ethnographiques les plus actuelles, la réalité occitane et cathare d’il y a six cent cinquante ans.
I a pògues causes en lenguatge que donguen tanta escadença ara creativitat com era toponímia. Es colors, es formes, era vegetacion deth territòri; es nòms o es maunòms des sòns estatjants; ua istòria, un avodament, ua legenda o un equipament… quina causa que sigue barrejada damb er engenh dera gent servís entà generar un toponim.
Pr’amor d’açò, es nòms de lòc mos diden plen de causes sus es abitants, sus es origines o sus era natura de cada endret e son capables de crear un trincadís de colors plan variats que balhe personalitat a cada cornèr deth país.
Mès es toponims son tanben informacion, descripcion precisa, coordenada exacta enes mapes, nomenclators urbans, bases de donades o guides. Son un element indispensable de guidatge e de referéncia sus un territòri plen de persones en movement.
Aguesti dus aspèctes son es qu’an encoratjat ara Comission de Toponímia de Catalonha tà aufrir as municipis e tà toti es qu’agen de trabalhar damb nòms de lòc, uns Critèris que mos an de perméter preservar plan viua era riquesa culturau qu’era toponímia represente e adobar-la entà hèr-la utila.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
Some of medieval culture’s most arresting images and stories inextricably associate love and death. Thus the troubadour Jaufre Rudel dies in the arms of the countess of Tripoli, having loved her from afar without ever having seen her. Or in Marie de France’s Chevrefoil, Tristan and Iseult’s fatal love is hauntingly symbolized by the fatally entwined honeysuckle and hazel. And who could forget the ethereal spectacle of the Damoisele of Escalot’s body carried to Camelot on a supernatural funerary boat with a letter on her breast explaining how her unrequited love for Lancelot killed her? Medieval literature is fascinated with the idea that love may be a fatal affliction. Indeed, it is frequently suggested that true love requires sacrifice, that you must be ready to die for, from, and in love. Love, in other words, is represented, sometimes explicitly, as a form of martyrdom, a notion that is repeatedly reinforced by courtly literature’s borrowing of religious vocabulary and imagery. The paradigm of the martyr to love has of course remained compelling in the early modern and modern period.
This book seeks to explore what is at stake in medieval literature’s preoccupation with love’s martyrdom. Informed by modern theoretical approaches, particularly Lacanian psychoanalysis and Jacques Derrida’s work on ethics, it offers new readings of a wide range of French and Occitan courtly texts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and argues that a new secular ethics of desire emerges from courtly literature because of its fascination with death. This book also examines the interplay between lyric and romance in courtly literary culture and shows how courtly literature’s predilection for sacrificial desire imposes a repressive sex-gender system that may then be subverted by fictional women and queers who either fail to die on cue, or who die in troublesome and disruptive ways.
Se sap que, en el conjunt dels parlars romànics, no resulta excep- cional de trobar varietats lingüístiques que, en l’imperfet d’indicatiu de la segona i la tercera conjugacions, presentin a la desinència un so labial intervocàlic. Apareix, per exemple, dialectalment, en espanyol: en zones ben diverses, en clapes disperses, ja sigui en el vell o en el nou continent. Apareix en rètic o en dialectes itàlics: com, sense anar més lluny, en el toscà mateix. O bé també en aragonès, llengua en la qual «la terminación del imperfecto mantiene la -b- tanto en la primera como en la segunda y tercera conjugaciones» (ALVAR, 1953: 230) i en què aquestes formes amb un element bilabial —perquè, com en espanyol, hi és bilabial— a la desinència són, de fet, les formes referencials.
L’objectiu, doncs, no és de tractar d’afers —recurrents, per altra banda— com l’origen etimològic o analògic d’aquell so consonàntic, sinó sobretot de treure a la llum dades que hi fan referència: informa- cions obtingudes durant els darrers set anys arreu dels pobles de la Vall d’Aran —i també del Comenge veí, ja a l’Estat francès— a través d’enquestes de tipus dialectològic de format —diguem-ne— clàssic.
This is the first twentieth-century study of the women troubadours who flourished in Southern France between 1150 and 1250 — the great period of troubadour poetry. The book is comprised of a full-length essay on women in the Middle Ages, twenty-three poems by the women troubadours themselves in the original Provencal with translations on facing pages, a capsule biography of each poet, notes, and reading list.
An edition and translation of some 30 poems by the trobairditz, a remarkable group of women poets from the 12th and 13th centuries, who composed in the style and language of the troubadours.
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